Showing posts with label globalization. Show all posts
Showing posts with label globalization. Show all posts
Tuesday, April 14, 2015
Thursday, October 10, 2013
Rich Australians More Into Real Estate than the Rich Anywhere Else
I love the term High Net Worth Individuals (HNWIs). I'd probably love it even more if I was one or even if my dad was one. But considering the behaviour of the Whinearts, sorry Rineharts perhaps I'm better off being moderately well off.
Anyway ...
According to BRW, a HNWI is "a person with $US1 million ($1.05 million) or more in investable assets"
This graphic from Capgemini shows that wealthy Australians are overweight property compared to the rest of the world and other economies. HNWIs in Australia have 40.6% of their assets in real estate compared to 20.8% for the rest of the world.
This means that they have done very well over the past decade or so as Australia avoided the crashes in other economies. It also means that a property crash in Australia will leave them relatively worse off.
According to BRW, Australia increased its number of HNWIs in 2012 as did most other countries.
Anyway ...
According to BRW, a HNWI is "a person with $US1 million ($1.05 million) or more in investable assets"
This graphic from Capgemini shows that wealthy Australians are overweight property compared to the rest of the world and other economies. HNWIs in Australia have 40.6% of their assets in real estate compared to 20.8% for the rest of the world.
This means that they have done very well over the past decade or so as Australia avoided the crashes in other economies. It also means that a property crash in Australia will leave them relatively worse off.
According to BRW, Australia increased its number of HNWIs in 2012 as did most other countries.
The population of Australia’s HNWs ... jumped 15.1 per cent last year compared with 2011, according to the latest World Wealth Report from Capgemini and RBC Wealth Management ...
There were about 207,000 wealthy individuals in Australia in 2012 who sat on a $US625 billion pile of assets.
The research found that the world’s population and investable wealth of HNW individuals reached record levels last year, after increasing more than 9 per cent to hit 12 million people.
North America and the Asia-Pacific boasted the two largest HNW regions and drove global growth.
Asia-Pacific countries, including Indonesia, Australia, China, New Zealand and Thailand, posted double-digit growth rates.Its fair to say not everyone in the United States is still suffering from the ill effects of global economic crisis.
Wednesday, November 23, 2011
Superannuation (Pensions)
Ever wondered why Australians are so obsessed by the economy?
There are lots of reasons given, including these in a recent speech by former Reserve Bank governor Ian Macfarlane.
I think it's got a lot to do with the fact that Australians have a higher percentage of variable rate mortgages than most countries. meaning that decisions by the RBA (a key piece of economic news) matter more to Australians than those people in countries where mortgages are fixed. According to the RBA:
But it might also have something to do with the fact that more Australians have their super tied up in shares than anywhere else. This graph from the OECD was reproduced on MacroBusiness:
There are lots of reasons given, including these in a recent speech by former Reserve Bank governor Ian Macfarlane.
I think it's got a lot to do with the fact that Australians have a higher percentage of variable rate mortgages than most countries. meaning that decisions by the RBA (a key piece of economic news) matter more to Australians than those people in countries where mortgages are fixed. According to the RBA:
In some countries, including Australia and the United Kingdom, variable-rate loans predominate, whereas in New Zealand and Canada, fixed-rate loans of between two and five years are more common; in the United States and some European countries long-term fixed-rate mortgages predominate. The features offered on housing loans also differ significantly across countries; for example, loans with redraw facilities and flexible repayment structures are relatively uncommon in many continental European countries.It's also got something to do with the globalisation of the economy and the efforts by the Labor governments of the 1980s and 1990s, particularly Paul Keating to 'educate' - persuade and coerce - Australians about the need for change.
But it might also have something to do with the fact that more Australians have their super tied up in shares than anywhere else. This graph from the OECD was reproduced on MacroBusiness:
Wednesday, August 10, 2011
Stagnation, debt and inequality
The following is from the Unconventional Economist (Leith van Onselen), who I encourage students to read via the Macrobusiness Superblog. Your parents (or you) might benefit from a reading of his (and Delusional Economics') views on housing.
Leith highlights a report from Societe Generale’s Albert Edwards. This is a negative view of the global economy, but one I have long worried about since preparing the manuscript for The Vulnerable Country from 2006.
Edwards makes several important points about the problems at the heart of current global problems and much of it can be slated back to rising inequality, the third of the key vulnerabilities facing Australia, but obviously much more acute in the US and UK.
If globalisation (meaning here the proclivity towards freer trade and finance) is to remain sustainable then it has to be accompanied by redistribution of opportunity and of wealth, otherwise populists of the right (and left) will gain increasing leverage over political processes and lead to a return to insularity.
The massive transfer of wealth to the rich in the US is not seen, unfortunately, as a cause of US problems by supporters of the extreme right. Instead mild efforts to maintain growth in the US are seen as signs of rising socialism.
The US economy is in deep trouble not because its debt is unsustainable - its not - but because the political process is broken. Some basic measures to raise taxes on the very rich and make corporations pay tax, at the same time as increasing spending on worthwhile labour market programs and infrastructure development would make a big difference.
Leith highlights a report from Societe Generale’s Albert Edwards. This is a negative view of the global economy, but one I have long worried about since preparing the manuscript for The Vulnerable Country from 2006.
As we see a short-lived economic recovery failing only two years into the cycle and a plunge back into recession, we remind investors that this was exactly the Ice Age template that Japan showed us. A fragile recovery undermined by private sector deleveraging collapses as a semi-bankrupt government tries to rein in runaway deficits…
I and many others have been pointing out for a long time now the simple fact that the global economy has been living way beyond its means for years. A massive transfer of income to the very rich has occurred while middle class real incomes stagnated. The middle classes only tolerated this because Central Bankers created housing booms to keep the impoverished middle classes borrowing and spending to give them the illusion of prosperity and stop them from revolting. I believe the Fed and Bank of England, in particular, were wholly complicit in this ‘daylight robbery’.
These unsustainable private sector, debt mountains were transferred to the public sector in 2008 to prevent the adjustment to the depression-era reality that the debt unwind would undoubtedly have brought about. Yet, those debts are as unsustainable in the hands of the public sector as they were in the private sector. Central bank polices haven’t changed though. Print and print and print. And if that doesn’t work, print some more. And as London burns, the point I have always made is that the US and UK are not like Japan in one very special way. Although Japan suffered a decade of pain it is a very homogenous, equal society (see below). The UK and US are not…
In the Eurozone, the markets are now realising what should have been obvious from the start. The authorities are in very little position to halt the rot. During the bubble (aka The Great Moderation) the Eurozone had the same mechanics of mutually assured economic destruction that was seen on a grander scale between China and the US, viz the excessively loose US monetary policy causing a housing and spending boom that resulted in a huge trade deficit, financed in the main by a willingly mercantilist China printing money ad infinitum to keep their fixed exchange rate link (incidentally it’s a bit rich for the Chinese to complain about the US profligacy when they are just as bad when it comes to cranking the printing press).
The Eurozone has been no different to this unstable US/China nexus, with some member countries enjoying (suffering?) super loose monetary policies through no fault of their own (unlike the US), leading to housing and spending booms causing huge trade deficits funded in the main by Germany with a Chinese-style trade surplus, with their banks lending money to the deficit nations in the periphery to keep the party going.
So, during the Great Moderation, although the overall trade situation of the Eurozone seemed to be in external balance with the rest of the world, under the surface the situation was always every bit as unstable and poisonous as the US/China situation…
Edwards makes several important points about the problems at the heart of current global problems and much of it can be slated back to rising inequality, the third of the key vulnerabilities facing Australia, but obviously much more acute in the US and UK.
If globalisation (meaning here the proclivity towards freer trade and finance) is to remain sustainable then it has to be accompanied by redistribution of opportunity and of wealth, otherwise populists of the right (and left) will gain increasing leverage over political processes and lead to a return to insularity.
The massive transfer of wealth to the rich in the US is not seen, unfortunately, as a cause of US problems by supporters of the extreme right. Instead mild efforts to maintain growth in the US are seen as signs of rising socialism.
The US economy is in deep trouble not because its debt is unsustainable - its not - but because the political process is broken. Some basic measures to raise taxes on the very rich and make corporations pay tax, at the same time as increasing spending on worthwhile labour market programs and infrastructure development would make a big difference.
Tuesday, January 4, 2011
Predictions of Doom 2
Nearly all posts about the potential for doom in the Australian economy revolve around housing, either directly or indirectly. The best writers on potential housing trauma are Leith van Onselen who writes a brilliant blog backed by reasoned argument and a myriad of data (some of which I had referred to in my book so I know it's right!!). Other excellent doomsters are David Llewellyn-Smith and Delusional Economics. All believe that Australian house prices are over-valued and that household debt is a real problem for Australia. If you are inclined towards bearish sentiments about housing then these writers will seriously make you worry. While the housing market is obviously very important I want to focus on some bigger picture variables that will undoubtedly affect not just the housing market but the wider Australian economy.
Now the point is no one really knows what will happen to the Australian economy this year but we do know what factors will matter. Former RBA governor Ian Macfarlane once argued that if you only had one variable to understand the Australian economy then the variable you would choose would be the international economy. But the problem with this simplistic (but reasonably accurate) scenario is that the variable itself has changed. In other words the international economy as a variable affecting Australia has changed. The part of the international economy that matters most for Australia is now China and Asian generally. It would have seemed absurd 10 years ago to have a US economy in severe crisis and the Australian economy to be experiencing a boom, but the Chinese economy has changed the global economy enormously.
But as I've written continually the real question for Australia is how the sub-variable China is affected by the wider variable of the international economy, which is still dominated by the Western economies, despite the rise of the developing world over the last 20 years or so. Can China continue to grow in 2011 if the US and Europe remain affected by financial woes and hamstrung by low growth. This is the so-called de-coupling debate.
I've written previously about decoupling. Indeed I wrote in January last year that:
As David Barbosa writes in the NYT (via Michael Pettis):
Pettis then provides some notes on what is worth watching in 2011. Wisely he does not call them predictions.
I also have no doubt that by this time next year we'll have a clearer position on the debates about globalisation and decoupling and about the ability of Australia to profit from a long-term mining boom.
Now the point is no one really knows what will happen to the Australian economy this year but we do know what factors will matter. Former RBA governor Ian Macfarlane once argued that if you only had one variable to understand the Australian economy then the variable you would choose would be the international economy. But the problem with this simplistic (but reasonably accurate) scenario is that the variable itself has changed. In other words the international economy as a variable affecting Australia has changed. The part of the international economy that matters most for Australia is now China and Asian generally. It would have seemed absurd 10 years ago to have a US economy in severe crisis and the Australian economy to be experiencing a boom, but the Chinese economy has changed the global economy enormously.
But as I've written continually the real question for Australia is how the sub-variable China is affected by the wider variable of the international economy, which is still dominated by the Western economies, despite the rise of the developing world over the last 20 years or so. Can China continue to grow in 2011 if the US and Europe remain affected by financial woes and hamstrung by low growth. This is the so-called de-coupling debate.
I've written previously about decoupling. Indeed I wrote in January last year that:
2010 will provide some further evidence for the long-running debate over decoupling. The financial crisis bolstered the anti-decoupling case as world financial markets were universally shaken by events in the United States. Since this time, however, the decouplers' argument has looked more sound as some began to talk of a North Atlantic financial crisis rather than a GFC. Certainly, Asia did well in 2009 compared to what many thought lay ahead at the end of 2008. Govt stimulus in China has helped enormously, but even in China this can't go on forever.Well it looks like the 2010 evidence is that decoupling had some legs over the course of last year, but at the risk of taking liberties on extensions (and to mix the metaphor) I think that the jury is still out. 2011 will provide further evidence because recent US tax cuts notwithstanding, the impact of fiscal stimuli throughout the world will be further unwound and the need to pay off debts will continue. Debt really is the thing to watch in 2010, not just public debt as the media wants to focus on, but household debt as well, not to mention the seemingly forgotten problem of foreign debt.
No doubt we shall get further evidence about whether China and the rest of Asia is ultimately as export dependent as economists like Stephen Roach contend and whether the issue of final Western demand really does continue to matter.
As David Barbosa writes in the NYT (via Michael Pettis):
For nearly two years, China’s turbocharged economy has raced ahead with the aid of a huge government stimulus program and aggressive lending by state-run banks. But a growing number of economists now worry that China — the world’s fastest growing economy and a pillar of strength during the global financial crisis — could be stalled next year by soaring inflation, mounting government debt and asset bubbles.Now this is a common theme of China bears but Pettis is even more bearish:
I have almost no doubt that during 2011 all the growth expectations are going to be revised sharply downward. By the end of next year, I suspect that the consensus will be that for the rest of the decade we should expect growth rates in the 6-7% range for China.
Do I believe these lower numbers? Not really. About a year and a half ago I wrote in a Financial Times article that, assuming consumption growth could be maintained at 8-9% a year, Chinese GDP growth would average 5-7% annually over the rest of the decade.
My prediction caused a lot of strong disagreement and accusations of being overly pessimistic, but the truth is I think I was being optimistic. If GDP growth slows so substantially, it seems to me that consumption growth of 8-9% will be very hard to maintain, so I would argue that we should be prepared for even lower average growth numbers, perhaps in the 3-5% range. But I do think the consensus next year will migrate down to the 6-7% range, even though next year’s growth should remain high – probably in the 9% range.Barbosa argues that Chinese problems will have significant ramifications for the rest of the world economy (a reversal of the traditional Western-led 'coupling' or 'globalisation' argument).
A sharp slowdown in China, which is growing at an annual rate of about 10 percent, would be a serious blow to the global economy since China’s voracious demand for natural resources is helping to prop up growth in Asia and South America, even as the United States and the European Union struggle.
And because China is a major holder of United States Treasury debt and a major destination for American investment in recent years, any slowdown would also hurt American companies.Pettis does not agree with Barbosa that a slowdown in China will be bad for the world or for the US:
I am not sure why Chinese holdings of USG bonds suggest that a Chinese slowdown will hurt US companies, but I have already explained why I do not think a sharp slowdown in Chinese growth is necessarily bad for the world. It will be very bad for commodity exporters – or at least non-food commodity exporters, since I think the demand for food from China will continue strong – but the overall effect on the rest of the world depends on the evolution of China’s trade balance. A contraction in the surplus creates net demand for the world, and so might even be marginally positive.
This marginally positive outcome won’t be evenly distributed, of course. Non-food commodity exporters will be badly hurt, while commodity importers and manufacturers will benefit.
I don’t even think such a rapid slowdown in Chinese growth will be bad for China. Again it depends on how it takes place. If there is a serious attempt at rebalancing the economy by raising wages, interest rates and the currency, China can manage a much slower GDP growth rate while still maintaining a fairly high growth rate in household income and consumption. I discussed this in more detail in an entry last month.Non-food commodity exporters obviously means Australia (although we do export food as well).
Pettis then provides some notes on what is worth watching in 2011. Wisely he does not call them predictions.
First, although I do not believe inflation [in China] is going to be as big a problem as many think (I believe the Chinese financial system has a built-in inflation-stabilization mechanism – see my November 18 entry), if I am wrong and inflation continues to rise, this will create a real problem for monetary policy.
Second, debt levels are worryingly high and are starting to act as a serious constraint on the rebalancing process. My friend Victor Shih at Northwestern University has done great work in trying to figure out the government balance sheet, and he worries, correctly, in my opinion, that it is becoming increasingly difficult for the PBoC to raise interest rates without creating a great deal of financial distress in government-related entities. Even the PBoC balance sheet is a real problem. How can they raise RMB interest rates without running a huge negative carry?
Third, the trade constraints are going to get worse, not better. Ashoka Mody and Franziska Ohnsorge have a very interesting piece on Vox that suggests that we shouldn’t count too heavily on consumption growth in the developed world to boost global demand. That means we are going to spend the next few years fighting over anemic demand growth, and we will be apportioning that demand via trade disputes.
Fourth, although GDP growth rates next year will be very high to see off the current leadership, I am pretty sure that by the end of the year there will be much more concern about the rebalancing process and what that will mean for growth rates. In order to get those high growth rates, I don’t think we need to take the 2011 lending quota too seriously. Whatever it is, it will be breached.Another China-focused economist is Andy Xie who argues:
By the middle of 2011, most analysts may declare that the world has finally put the financial crisis behind.
The reality is quite different. The global economy is kept afloat by massive monetary and fiscal stimulus around the world. The main problem in the global economy – high costs and declining competitiveness in the developed world, and inflation plus asset bubbles in the developing world continue unabated. Either inflation in the developing world or unsustainable sovereign debt in the developed world will spark the next crisis.
...
The most likely candidates to trigger the next global crisis are the U.S.'s sovereign debt or China's inflation. When one goes down first, the other can prolong its economic cycle. China may have won the last race. To win the next one, China must tackle its inflation problem, which is ultimately a political and structural issue, in 2011. If China does, the U.S. will again be the cause for the next global crisis. China will suffer from declining exports but benefit from lower oil prices.
On the other hand, if China has a hard landing, the U.S.'s trade deficit can drop dramatically, maybe by 50 percent, due to lower import prices. It would boost the dollar's value and bring down the U.S.'s treasury yield. The U.S. can have lower financing costs and lower expenditures. The combination allows the U.S. to enjoy a period of good growth.
One could describe the global economy as a race between the U.S. and China, to see who goes down first.
This coming year is China's opportunity.The best way for China to deal with inflation, according to Xie, is to address its property bubble.
China's inflation problem stems from the country's rapid monetary growth in the past decade. That is due to the need to finance a vast property sector, which is, in turn, to generate fiscal revenues for local governments to finance their vast expenditure programs. Unless something is done to limit local government expenditure, China's inflation problem is likely to get out of control.
The government now recognizes inflation as the country's main challenge. It has raised interest rates once, deposit reserve ratios several times, and announced its intention to introduce price controls. The barrage of unconventional measures is due to the belief that China's economy is different from others and the conventional measure of raising interest rates may not be effective or necessary. The reluctance to change the price of money and the willingness to change the price of goods and services has not worked well so far.
...
The ineffectiveness of the recent measures casts doubts on the government's sincerity in fighting inflation. The constant and marginal policy announcements could be interpreted that the inflation fighting is now largely a propaganda job. Such perceptions could spark popular panic, which would cause the household sector to hoard goods like rice and cooking oil. When the masses flee from holding money, a full blown crisis will unfold.So at the beginning of 2011, we are in a similar position to the start of 2010. Debates about China will produce much heat in Australia, the real question is whether they'll produce any light. For what it's worth I think that economic liberal commentators have too much faith in the Chinese Communist leadership to manage the Chinese economy without booms and busts. While China will probably continue to grow rapidly over the medium term, the belief that it can continue to grow uninterrupted by poor policy decisions and the reality of economic cycles is pure fantasy.
I also have no doubt that by this time next year we'll have a clearer position on the debates about globalisation and decoupling and about the ability of Australia to profit from a long-term mining boom.
Sunday, March 14, 2010
Measuring Economic Weight
The Economist recently ran a story on putting the rise of Asia in perspective it's worth a read and is a useful corrective to many of the arguments that think the future is already here! The Balance of Economic Power: East or Famine The Economist.
There are two main ways to measure the size of economies. We can convert the value of Chinese gross domestic product (GDP), for example, into US dollars and compare it to the GDP of other countries. The advantage of this method is that it provides a neat comparison of a particular country with any other country at any particular time. But the problem with this measure is that it varies with the dollar–renminbi exchange rate and doesn’t accurately reflect the cost of things within the Chinese economy. If the renminbi was revalued this would immediately increase the measured size of the Chinese economy. This is not completely spurious because a higher valued renminbi would enable the Chinese to buy more goods and services on the international market and would increase their ability to invest in other countries. When exchange rates do vary considerably over time, such as the dollar–yen exchange rate since the 1970s, this method may be a problem. For example compare the difference in size of the Australian economy when measured at a time when the Australian dollar was 47.75c against the US dollar in April 2001 to when it reached 98.49c against the US dollar in July 2008. Although for measuring purposes the exchange rate is averaged over a period, variation still poses obvious problems.
Such discrepancies have led to the increased use of an alternative method of measuring the size of economies based on the concept of purchasing power parity (PPP). Statisticians measure purchasing power within individual economies and then makes comparisons on that basis. PPP measures GDP adjusted to reflect different costs of living and production within different economies. Goods and services and production costs are considerably less in China than they are in the United States. We all know that our currency goes further in some countries and less in others. You can live, for example, much more cheaply in Indonesia than you can in Sweden! A popular representation of PPP values is the Economist magazine’s tongue-in-cheek Big Mac Index, which compares the price of Big Mac’s around the world. A Big Mac in Sweden ($4.58) will cost you a lot more than a Big Mac in Indonesia ($1.74) or even the United States itself ($3.45). According to PPP theory, the cost of Big Macs should be the same across countries once local currencies are converted to US dollars. In these February 2009 prices, the Index suggests that the Swedish Kroner is overvalued against the dollar and the Indonesian rupiah is substantially undervalued. Big Macs are not really a good marker of PPP because they are generally considerably more expensive than local-food items in developing countries! There is also now an iPOD Index, which does the same thing, but with a high technology, tradeable item rather than a basic food item. This is significant because products that can be easily traded should, through the process of arbitrage, end up with the same price (allowing for exchange rates).
If we compare what a given amount of dollars will buy in the Chinese economy and compare it to what a given amount of dollars buys in the US economy we can, according to advocates of this approach, get a better idea of the size of an economy. The problem with this method is calculating the different costs of production and living on an ongoing basis. To do a proper analysis of PPP, the World Bank compares a large range of goods and services. It is very difficult to get a comparable basket of goods for diverse countries with substantially different cultures and consumption norms. In December 2007, the International Comparison Program co-ordinated by the World Bank revised down its PPP estimate of China’s economy by 40 per cent making a considerable difference to the measured size of the Chinese economy in 2005!
The best solution to the problem is the messy one of considering both measures together. Table 3.1 below shows that the United States accounted for 21.1 per cent of global GDP on a purchasing-power-parity basis in 2007, down from 23 per cent in 1995 and 24.5 per cent in 1980. China has rapidly caught up, accounting for 10.1 per cent in 2007 (revised down by the Bank by 6 per cent from earlier 2007 estimates!), up from 5.7 per cent in 1995 and 2.2 per cent in 1980. Measuring shares of global GDP by converting a country’s GDP to US dollars at market exchange rates produces very different results. On this basis, as Table 3.2 shows, in 2007 the United States was more than four times larger than China, accounting for nearly 25.3 per cent of global GDP, compared to 6.0 per cent for China. In 1995, according to this measure, the United States was 10 times larger than China. On an exchange basis, Japan’s relative position increased significantly between 1980 and 1995, with the increased value of the yen in the mid-1990s improving Japan’s position. On an exchange basis, Japan’s share of the world economy declined by half between 1995 and 2007. On a PPP basis, Japan’s economy has declined by a much smaller amount. These tables show that US decline has been gradual and that China’s rise has been mainly at the expense of Japan.
In 2006, the developing world accounted for more than 50 per cent of global GDP (measured on a PPP basis), signalling its growing importance. Developing countries grew at a faster rate between 1995 and 2005 than they did during the previous two decades and considerably faster than developed countries. In 2006, developing countries accounted for 43 per cent of world exports, up from 20 per cent in 1970; half of the energy consumption; and 70 per cent of currency reserves. Many see India as a major challenger to China’s mantle as the most important developing country. While China causes considerable anxiety in the developed world about its growing domination of manufacturing, India creates concerns because of its competitiveness in higher paid service and technology jobs. Outsourcing to India will increase in coming years and become even more important as a topic of debate.
But as The Economist reports:
As the graphic makes clear, Asia's (especially) China's growth is considerably more significant when it comes to measurements based on PPP. China's currency is kept artificially low and if allowed to rise China would increase its economic weight, but at the same time it would slightly undermine China's export growth potential as Chinese exports became relatively dearer on global markets.
So what about Asian exports? The Economist reports
What about the financial sphere?
This graph, however, provides a lesson that The Economist, perhaps did not intend. Despite its continuing dominance of the world economy until the early nineteenth century, from the mid sixteenth century Europe - led by Spain and Portugal, followed by Holland and England - is clearly in the ascendancy. Gross economic weight is clearly not everything.
There are two main ways to measure the size of economies. We can convert the value of Chinese gross domestic product (GDP), for example, into US dollars and compare it to the GDP of other countries. The advantage of this method is that it provides a neat comparison of a particular country with any other country at any particular time. But the problem with this measure is that it varies with the dollar–renminbi exchange rate and doesn’t accurately reflect the cost of things within the Chinese economy. If the renminbi was revalued this would immediately increase the measured size of the Chinese economy. This is not completely spurious because a higher valued renminbi would enable the Chinese to buy more goods and services on the international market and would increase their ability to invest in other countries. When exchange rates do vary considerably over time, such as the dollar–yen exchange rate since the 1970s, this method may be a problem. For example compare the difference in size of the Australian economy when measured at a time when the Australian dollar was 47.75c against the US dollar in April 2001 to when it reached 98.49c against the US dollar in July 2008. Although for measuring purposes the exchange rate is averaged over a period, variation still poses obvious problems.
Such discrepancies have led to the increased use of an alternative method of measuring the size of economies based on the concept of purchasing power parity (PPP). Statisticians measure purchasing power within individual economies and then makes comparisons on that basis. PPP measures GDP adjusted to reflect different costs of living and production within different economies. Goods and services and production costs are considerably less in China than they are in the United States. We all know that our currency goes further in some countries and less in others. You can live, for example, much more cheaply in Indonesia than you can in Sweden! A popular representation of PPP values is the Economist magazine’s tongue-in-cheek Big Mac Index, which compares the price of Big Mac’s around the world. A Big Mac in Sweden ($4.58) will cost you a lot more than a Big Mac in Indonesia ($1.74) or even the United States itself ($3.45). According to PPP theory, the cost of Big Macs should be the same across countries once local currencies are converted to US dollars. In these February 2009 prices, the Index suggests that the Swedish Kroner is overvalued against the dollar and the Indonesian rupiah is substantially undervalued. Big Macs are not really a good marker of PPP because they are generally considerably more expensive than local-food items in developing countries! There is also now an iPOD Index, which does the same thing, but with a high technology, tradeable item rather than a basic food item. This is significant because products that can be easily traded should, through the process of arbitrage, end up with the same price (allowing for exchange rates).
If we compare what a given amount of dollars will buy in the Chinese economy and compare it to what a given amount of dollars buys in the US economy we can, according to advocates of this approach, get a better idea of the size of an economy. The problem with this method is calculating the different costs of production and living on an ongoing basis. To do a proper analysis of PPP, the World Bank compares a large range of goods and services. It is very difficult to get a comparable basket of goods for diverse countries with substantially different cultures and consumption norms. In December 2007, the International Comparison Program co-ordinated by the World Bank revised down its PPP estimate of China’s economy by 40 per cent making a considerable difference to the measured size of the Chinese economy in 2005!
The best solution to the problem is the messy one of considering both measures together. Table 3.1 below shows that the United States accounted for 21.1 per cent of global GDP on a purchasing-power-parity basis in 2007, down from 23 per cent in 1995 and 24.5 per cent in 1980. China has rapidly caught up, accounting for 10.1 per cent in 2007 (revised down by the Bank by 6 per cent from earlier 2007 estimates!), up from 5.7 per cent in 1995 and 2.2 per cent in 1980. Measuring shares of global GDP by converting a country’s GDP to US dollars at market exchange rates produces very different results. On this basis, as Table 3.2 shows, in 2007 the United States was more than four times larger than China, accounting for nearly 25.3 per cent of global GDP, compared to 6.0 per cent for China. In 1995, according to this measure, the United States was 10 times larger than China. On an exchange basis, Japan’s relative position increased significantly between 1980 and 1995, with the increased value of the yen in the mid-1990s improving Japan’s position. On an exchange basis, Japan’s share of the world economy declined by half between 1995 and 2007. On a PPP basis, Japan’s economy has declined by a much smaller amount. These tables show that US decline has been gradual and that China’s rise has been mainly at the expense of Japan.
In 2006, the developing world accounted for more than 50 per cent of global GDP (measured on a PPP basis), signalling its growing importance. Developing countries grew at a faster rate between 1995 and 2005 than they did during the previous two decades and considerably faster than developed countries. In 2006, developing countries accounted for 43 per cent of world exports, up from 20 per cent in 1970; half of the energy consumption; and 70 per cent of currency reserves. Many see India as a major challenger to China’s mantle as the most important developing country. While China causes considerable anxiety in the developed world about its growing domination of manufacturing, India creates concerns because of its competitiveness in higher paid service and technology jobs. Outsourcing to India will increase in coming years and become even more important as a topic of debate.
But as The Economist reports:
Since 1995 Asia’s real GDP (even including less sprightly Japan) has grown more than twice as fast as that of America or western Europe. Morgan Stanley forecasts that it will grow by an average of 7% this year and next, compared with 3% for America and 1.2% for western Europe.
Yet a closer look at the figures suggests that the shift in economic power from West to East can be exaggerated. Thanks partly to falling currencies, Asia’s total share of world GDP (in nominal terms at market exchange rates) has actually slipped, from 29% in 1995 to 27% last year (see chart 1). In 2009 Asia’s total GDP exceeded America’s but was still slightly smaller than western Europe’s (although it could overtake the latter this year). To put it another way, the output of the rich West is still almost twice as big as that of the East.
As the graphic makes clear, Asia's (especially) China's growth is considerably more significant when it comes to measurements based on PPP. China's currency is kept artificially low and if allowed to rise China would increase its economic weight, but at the same time it would slightly undermine China's export growth potential as Chinese exports became relatively dearer on global markets.
So what about Asian exports? The Economist reports
the region’s 31% share of world exports last year was not much higher than in 1995 (28%) and remains smaller than western Europe’s. Indeed, the shift towards Asia appears to have slowed, not quickened. Its share of world output and exports surged during the 1980s and early 1990s. Although China’s share has grown since then, this has been largely offset by the decline in Japan, whose share of output and exports has halved.A renewed emphasis on exports by the US could be an outcome of the economic crisis and the Obama administration aspires to doubling US exports in 5 years. (See "Can Obama Really Double Exports in Five Years?".) This doubling figure of course also requires some unpacking. It would be more meaningful if it meant a doubling of exports in comparison to the rise of GDP rather than a simple doubling of the USD figure.
What about the financial sphere?
Asian stockmarkets account for 34% of global market capitalisation, ahead of both America (33%) and Europe (27%). Asian central banks also hold two-thirds of all foreign-exchange reserves. That sounds impressive, but their influence over global financial markets is more modest, because official reserves account for only around 5% of the world’s total stash of financial assets. The bulk of private-sector wealth still lies in the West. The fact that Asian currencies make up only 3% of total foreign-exchange reserves indicates how far Asia still lags in financial matters.While there is no doubt that on a PPP basis Asia has been expanding enormously, it's important to remember that Asia's international transactions are mainly conducted in USD. Asia (once again especially China) consumes considerably less than Western countries.
What really matters to Western firms is consumer spending in plain dollar terms. Although over three-fifths of the world’s population live in Asia, they only account for just over one-fifth of global private consumption, much less than America’s 30% share. But official figures almost certainly understate consumer spending in emerging Asia, because of the poor statistical coverage of spending on services. Figures from the Economist Intelligence Unit, a sister company of The Economist, suggest that Asia accounts for around one-third of world retail sales. Asia is now the biggest market for many products, accounting for 35% of all car sales last year and 43% of mobile phones. Asia guzzles 35% of the world’s energy, up from 26% in 1995. It has accounted for two-thirds of the increase in world energy demand since 2000.
Many Western firms are more interested in Asia’s capital spending than its consumption, and here Asia is undoubtedly the giant. In 2009, 40% of global investment (at market exchange rates) took place in Asia, as much as in America and Europe combined. In finance, Asian firms launched eight of the ten biggest initial public offerings (IPOs) in 2009 and more than twice as much capital was raised through IPOs in China and Hong Kong last year as in America.Finally, The Economist, contains a graphic illustrating just how far Asia fell from its historical position of dominance up until 1800.
This graph, however, provides a lesson that The Economist, perhaps did not intend. Despite its continuing dominance of the world economy until the early nineteenth century, from the mid sixteenth century Europe - led by Spain and Portugal, followed by Holland and England - is clearly in the ascendancy. Gross economic weight is clearly not everything.
Wednesday, December 16, 2009
De-globalisation
McKinsey generally have the best coverage of global capital flows and their latest report shows just how significant the global financial crisis has been for financial globalisation.
In its latest report Global capital markets: Entering a new era McKinsey reports that:
The major issue in the short-term will be how quickly capital flows recover. Another key issue is how slower growth in mature markets will affect emerging markets' financial systems.
The severity of the also highlights just how amazing it is that Australia managed to avoid a downturn in growth over the 2008-09 financial year. For Tony Abbot to argue that the Rudd govt has achieved little in its first couple of years and for some economists to argue that the fiscal stimulus has been profoundly negative defies any logic. Instead it appears to be simple oppositional politics for the former and blind anti-govt rhetoric for the latter.
If it sounds unlikely, it probably is.
In its latest report Global capital markets: Entering a new era McKinsey reports that:
World financial assets fell $16 trillion to $178 trillion in 2008, marking the largest setback on record and a break in the three-decade-long expansion of global capital markets. Looking ahead, mature financial markets may be headed for slower growth, while emerging markets will likely account for an increasing share of global asset growth.Other pertinent points made:
Financial globalization reversed in the wake of the crisis. Capital flows fell 82 percent in 2008, to just $1.9 trillion from $10.5 trillion in 2007.
Declines in equity and real estate values wiped out $28.8 trillion of global wealth in 2008 and the first half of 2009.
Falling equities accounted for virtually all of the drop in global financial assets. The world's equities lost almost half their value in 2008, declining by $28 trillion. Markets have regained some ground in recent months, replacing $4.6 trillion in value between December 2008 and the end of July 2009. Global residential real estate values fell by $3.4 trillion in 2008 and nearly $2 trillion more in the first quarter of 2009. Combining these figures, we see that declines in equity and real estate wiped out $28.8 trillion of global wealth in 2008 and the first half of 2009.
Credit bubbles grew both in the United States and Europe before the crisis. Contrary to popular perceptions, credit in Europe grew larger as a percent of GDP than in the United States. Total US credit outstanding rose from 221 percent of GDP in 2000 to 291 percent in 2008, reaching $42 trillion. Eurozone indebtedness rose higher, to 304 percent of GDP by the end of 2008, while UK borrowing climbed even higher, to 320 percent.
Financial globalization has reversed, with cross-border capital flows falling by more than 80 percent. It is unclear how quickly capital flows will revive or whether financial markets will become less globally integrated.
Some global imbalances may be receding. The U.S. current account deficit—and the surpluses in China, Germany, and Japan that helped fund it—has narrowed. However, this may be a temporary effect of the crisis rather than a long-term structural shift.
Mature financial markets may be headed for slower growth in the years to come. Private debt and equity are likely to grow more slowly as households and businesses reduce their debt burdens and as corporate earnings fall back to long-term trends. In contrast, large fiscal deficits will cause government debt to soar.
For emerging markets, the current crisis is likely to be no more than a temporary interruption in their financial market development, because the underlying sources of growth remain strong. For investors and financial intermediaries alike, emerging markets will become more important as their share of global capital markets continues to expand.
The major issue in the short-term will be how quickly capital flows recover. Another key issue is how slower growth in mature markets will affect emerging markets' financial systems.
The severity of the also highlights just how amazing it is that Australia managed to avoid a downturn in growth over the 2008-09 financial year. For Tony Abbot to argue that the Rudd govt has achieved little in its first couple of years and for some economists to argue that the fiscal stimulus has been profoundly negative defies any logic. Instead it appears to be simple oppositional politics for the former and blind anti-govt rhetoric for the latter.
If it sounds unlikely, it probably is.
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