Showing posts with label capital flows. Show all posts
Showing posts with label capital flows. Show all posts

Monday, March 11, 2013

Financialisation and Globalisation

Financialisation is a major component of recent globalisation but it also represents a key danger to the sustainability of global economic interconnection.

This recent graph from the NYT based on McKinsey research, shows how big a hit financial flows took from the financial crisis. It also shows just how rapidly financial flows increased in the lead-up.

Every element of financial flows - direct investment, equity, bonds and loans are well below their  peaks before the crisis - with loans taking the biggest hit. Emerging market economies have done relatively better, but investment was down last year.







 

Tuesday, August 14, 2012

Yeah Naah: Reflections on the Current Condition of the Australian Economy

I love listening to football player interviews after a game. My favourite response is the phrase "yeah, naah". In other words, I understand what you're saying, but I'm not sure if you're right (or maybe I haven't understood the question or even know what my name is after that hit to the head in the final quarter).

While many might think it's a rather silly response I think it's a reasonable appraisal of many things in life, including that most interesting of topics: the Australian economy. Yeah we've been doing well, but naah I'm not sure it's going to last or that we've prepared properly for the inevitable downturn.

A recent speech by Reserve Bank Governor Glenn Stevens using the increasingly hackneyed phrase "the Lucky Country" attracted considerable attention in the Australian press. Reserve Bank governors like the rest of us, like to hedge their bets so while most comment focused on the Guv's optimism, some noted the warnings contained in the speech as well.

Better to cover all bases so that if a crisis comes the Guv can point to his notes of caution. If things continue to go well, then of course he can point to his overall regular message of optimism.

Before we consider Stevens yeah naah interpretation of the Australian economy, I want to begin with a few general observations.
  • Australia has been lucky, but also relatively good on the issue of economic management since the mid-1980s. Lots of mistakes have been made but the direction and pace of change has been effective to sustain reforms.
  • The Australian economy has not been in recession for 21 years - very few of my students have any concept of a sustained downturn in the economy. According to economist Chris Richardson this is a world record. Perhaps this is another reason why the government is doing poorly, "success fatigue".
  • Seriously, though, some Australians aren't doing as well as others and, in an attempt to rectify this, the Gillard government has made some progress in redistributing income in Australia.The Howard government was also a big redistributor of income, mainly to families.
  • Australia will be negatively affected if Chinese growth slows - both directly and indirectly through flow on effects to other Australian trading partners e.g. Japan will be hurt and so Australian exports to Japan will slow as well. And so on. This implies that both industrial and geographical diversification will serve Australia well over the longer-term.
  • Part of any diversification strategy for the Australian economy doesn't just include manufacturing and services but agriculture as well. Foreign ownership of farm land is about 6% (1% of agricultural businesses are foreign owned and 11.3% of agricultural land is wholly or partly foreign owned, although more than half of this land was majority Australian owned). Developing the agricultural sector in Australia will require foreign investment, some of it from China.  Why people worry so much about farming, but ignore the fact that mining is over 80 per cent foreign owned continues to surprise me. While you might be able to damage farmland through poor farming practices, foreign investors won't be shipping the land out, like they are with minerals, petroleum and gas. One thing is for sure, demand for agricultural goods is going to expand over coming years and Australia will need to manage these developments, especially through the next drought period.
  • The European crisis is not going to end any time soon and will probably end up with financial upheaval as Greece and/or Spain eventually abandon the Euro.
  • The United States is likely to recover sooner than Europe, but still has a way to go as necessary stimulus and tax restructuring is restricted by political machinations.
  • Recovery from financially-induced recessions takes a long time as de-leveraging works its way through the global economy and as the 'paradox of thrift' has purchase in many advanced economies.
But let's get back to Australia. First Stevens canvasses the potential problems.
Rapid growth in Chinese demand for resources ... has been of great benefit to date, but what if the Chinese economy suffers a serious downturn? Another potential concern is dwelling prices ... A further theme is the focus on the funding position of Australian financial institutions, insofar as they raise significant amounts of money offshore. Could this be a weakness, in the event that market sentiment turns? ...  It has long been a visceral fear among Australian officials and economists that global investors will suddenly take a dim view of us. 
He then tells us we should welcome the sceptics and that some of their concerns might even be valid.
We should always be wary of the conventional wisdom being too easily accepted. We should never, ever, assume that ‘it couldn’t happen here’.
This new found openness to debate has been reflected in the RBA's recent concerns about the high value of the dollar. Sheesh, maybe, just maybe, there's a possibility that the RBA sees some validity in the idea of Dutch disease. Generally speeches from senior RBA and Treasury figures, not to mention that bastion of purist economic liberalism, the Productivity Commission, take the attitude of "get over it" or "welcome to the permanent future of never-ending Asian growth and mining largess".

Regular Gillard government critic Warwick McKibbin recently called for the RBA to intervene to decrease the value of the dollar and was himself criticised as an economic apostate.

But I digress. The Guv then considers a range of very pertinent questions that I've long been concerned about.
How much of the recent relatively good performance was due to luck? To what extent did we improve our luck by sensible policies, across a range of economic and financial fronts?
Are there signs of any of the things going wrong that people typically worry about?
And if there are, or were to be, such signs, could we do anything about it?
Despite these cautions, Stevens begins his analysis with three very relevant markers of Australia's above average performance. First up is GDP. As I argued recently in "Not Just Lucky, Good": "things could be worse. We could not be having a mining boom and we could have really bad economic policy-makers like those in the UK and Europe who believe that austerity is the solution to economic stagnation". 

Great Britain might have won many more medals than us, but their economy is a basket case because the Conservatives have failed to read their history books and believe that cutting debt and public services is always the best solution to an economic crisis. I'm sure once the hoopla of the Olympics has died down, most Britons would rather have Australian economic conditions than British ones and would give up some of their medals for a better performing economy.



The good news is that it's not just in aggregate GDP growth that Australia has outperformed other developed economies but in GDP growth per capita and in unemployment rates.




Stevens' contention is that while there has been a bit of luck involved, there have also been some good policy decisions over the past 20 years or so, a view with which I would fully concur. But as any football player would note, the game ain't over til it's over. Unfortunately for this analogy, the economic game never ends.

The biggest immediate concern for Australia is a long-standing economic vulnerability - changes in international demand for our exports. These days that means mostly Asian and particularly Chinese demand.

Those of you that follow the global and domestic economic debate will be well aware that the big issue at the moment is the short to medium-term prospects of the Chinese economy. This debate matters a lot to Australians, because if China tanks, demand for our resources will also fall.

Particularly worrying is the decline in the price of iron ore. China accounts for 61.5 of global iron ore sales.





The latest Composition of Trade publication from DFAT lists Australia's main exports up to the end of 2011. Iron ore accounted for 20 per cent of all Australian exports. You don't have to be too smart to realise that a substantial price decline will have a big impact on Australian export income.

Generally over the last 5 years, resource exports have grown in importance at the expense of a more diversified export structure. Education 'exports' have fallen to fourth, now behind gold.




Stevens believes that China's slowing is a "a normal cyclical slowing, not a sudden slump of the kind that occurred in late 2008".

The latest RBA Chart Pack provides an indication of this slowdown.




Others are not so sure that the problem is just cyclical. Michael Pettis, for example, argues in a recent (August the 6th) newsletter:
over the next three months we will see a rebound in Chinese GDP growth as investment expands. The leadership transition, after all, is in October, and no one in power wants to see the ten-year period under the leadership of President Hu and Premier Wen end with an economic whimper, especially after the very distressing political scandals we have lived through this year. 
I don’t think, however, that any rebound or recovery will last more than one or two quarters, and even then it is going to be a very tedious and lop-sided recovery. ...
the only sure way to pump up the economy is for Beijing to encourage infrastructure spending at the local and municipal levels, a very inefficient kind of growth, and one which will probably spur even more real estate development. This pumps up unnecessary infrastructure investment, but little of the benefits end up with consumers or with the companies that serve them. Goosing infrastructure investment is, however, pretty much the only economic policy tool Beijing has ...
As I have outlined many times before on this blog, Pettis believes that there is severe pain ahead for China as it restructures its economy away from an investment-led economy to a more consumer-oriented economy. This transition is sometimes seen as a relatively straightforward transition, but it will create many losers amongst China's elite and will therefore no doubt be resisted by many of them.

Another reason for pessimism about China is the fact that the prospects for the export sector - a major source of Chinese growth - are also grim because of continuing global economic woes, with Europe particularly woeful.

Stevens is certainly amongst the optimists when it comes to China's prospects.
the Chinese authorities have been taking well-calibrated steps in the direction of easing macroeconomic policies, as their objectives for inflation look like being achieved and as the likelihood of slower global growth affecting China has increased. Prices for key commodities are lower than their peaks, but are actually still high.
So far, then, the ‘China story’ seems to be roughly on course. It is certainly true that we will feel the effects of the Chinese business cycle more in the future than we have been accustomed to in the past. That presents some challenges of economic analysis and management. But even so, it may be better to be exposed to a Chinese economy with a high average, even if variable, growth rate, than, say, to a Europe with a very low average growth rate that is apparently also still rather variable.
The last part of that analysis is definitely right. Let's say it again loud and clear: resources have not been a curse for Australia. They have made us richer, even if we could have done (and could do) a better job of distributing the benefits.

Another area where Stevens is a bit yeah, naah is on dwelling prices. Despite recent price falls, Australia has not had the bust that has occurred in many other developed countries.
Scaled to measures of income, Australian dwelling prices on a national basis have in fact declined and are now about where they were in 2002. That is, housing has become more ‘affordable’. Four or five years ago we supposedly had a housing affordability ‘crisis’. Now it seems that the problem some people fear is that of housing becoming even more affordable.
He then considers whether house prices are still over valued. Making comparisons with long-term averages or overseas prices are fraught with danger and basically involve guesses.
arguments that appeal to historical averages for such ratios lose potency the longer the ratio stays high. In Australia's case the ratio of prices to income on a national basis has been apparently at a higher mean level – about 4 to 4½ – for about a decade now.
If we compare Australia and the United States, Stevens contends that:
it is hard to avoid the impression that gravity will inevitably exert its influence on Australian dwelling prices. But if we put these two lines on a chart with a number of other countries with which we might want to make comparisons, the picture is much less clear.
Stevens argues that it is the United States that is the "outlier" and that we have more in common with the rest of the developed economies.



Another reason that Stevens is confident about housing (and also therefore about the banks) is that arrears rates remain low. Debt repayments as a percentage of income have declined. There is also a high proportion of mortgagees ahead on their payments. This factor together with the low unemployment rate is certainly on the yeah side of our equation.

Anecdotally, however, I know a lot of public servants in Queensland who are worried about their mortgages and job security given the Newman government's mindless and arbitrary slashing of public sector jobs. If repeated by an Abbott government it could contribute to the naah side of the equation just at the time as the economy is hit by a China slowdown! 

As an aside, upon coming to power, the Howard Government argued it was necessary to reduce the size of the Commonwealth bureaucracy, so it cut staff savagely from 143,226 in 1996 to 113,627 in 1999. But in the early 2000s, the size of the public service began to grow again, and by 2006 it had surpassed the level of 1996 to reach 146,384 personnel. This is despite the additional high levels of outsourcing of government work. Between 2005 and 2006 the public service increased by 13,000 or 9.6 per cent compared to 1.7 per cent for the national workforce. Howard was often accused of being an unrestrained neo-liberal, but he certainly didn’t believe in small government. 

The second long-term vulnerability that Australia faces alongside the potential for a decline in demand is an interruption to financial supply. This is important because Australia has a high level of foreign debt and the banks a high exposure to foreign lenders.

Stevens acknowledges that the banks engaged too heavily in borrowing short, lending long in the lead up to the GFC, but argues that they have been effectively moving away from this model. 


Stevens is also not worried at all about the current account deficit (CAD), a major worry of policy-makers in the 1980s and 1990s, but a non-issue for them since the 2000s.
while we have been told over the years how Australian banks were doing the country a favour by arranging the funding of the current account, they have stopped doing this over the past year without, apparently, any dramatic effects. As measured in the capital account statistics, there has been a net outflow of private debt funding over the past two years, offset roughly by increased inflow of foreign capital into government obligations. This has occurred with a net decline in government debt yields and a net rise in the exchange rate. The current account deficit has, in other words, been easily ‘funded’ without the assistance of banks borrowing abroad – in fact, while they have been net re-payers of funds borrowed earlier.

 
Not everyone agrees that the CAD cannot return as a key issue for the Australian economy, but it has definitely been removed from the forefront of the policy debate in recent years. Like many economic issues, concern will probably return as the deficit grows once again.



Stevens is also not particularly worried by our vulnerability to a decline in financial supply, although he doesn't dismiss it completely and nor should he. An Australian downturn together with another global credit crunch would be a very bad thing for a (private) debt exposed economy like Australia's.




Capital flows into Australia through foreign direct investment and more recently into Australian dollars generally have led to a higher dollar and a well funded current account deficit, but this too could change if new investment dries up and assessments about Australia's safe haven status become negative.

A financial collapse in Europe could lead to another global financial crisis, but Australia would have room to move on fiscal policy if the government (of whatever stripe) can overcome the negative politics of public debt increases.

The RBA, of course, still has room to move on interest rates, which would give households with mortgages more disposable income. If a credit crunch was mixed with a slowdown in China and rising unemployment then conditions would be tough in Australia, but still better than in most other developed economies.

It's also possible that a worsening of the European situation could actually lead to an increase of capital flows to Australia, which wouldn't be a problem for the banks, but would be for manufacturing, domestic tourism and other trade exposed sectors of the economy through Dutch disease effects.

Stevens appears to have significant faith in the Chinese Communist Party to manage the Chinese economy and with the leadership transition pressures to keep the economy humming will be high. Nevertheless, the high investment, low consumption growth model is unsustainable over the longer-term and we have to hope those communists get it right.


Overall, Stevens is right to be more yeah than naah about the Australian economy, but we shouldn't lose sight of economic vulnerabilities both short and long-term. We need a flexible economy that remains diversified.

We also need to remember that the redistribution of resources and opportunity across Australian society is necessary to maintain popular support for a dynamic open economy.

Sunday, February 5, 2012

China and the Australian Dollar

The high Australian dollar is a source of joy for many Australians, especially those travelling overseas or buying goods overseas via the Internet. To be honest, I dig it in a big way. I get that lovely feeling of schadenfreude every time some British person complains about how expensive everything is here in Australia and I love buying books from the UK's Book Depository at reduced rates with no shipping costs and an inflated exchange rate.

(Nevertheless try as I might I couldn't buy the running shoes I wanted from the US either because the stores didn't ship to Australia or they did, but didn't have the size or style I wanted. I eventually found an Australian online store that sold shoes much cheaper [for Asic Kayano 18s about $70 cheaper than the retail outlets like Rebel and Super Amart]. For an analysis of the Internet and bricks and mortar retail see here)

But these pleasures just serve to highlight that a high dollar is a major problem for Australian (non-resource) exporting and import-competing businesses. Resource exporters aren't suffering yet, because demand remains high for the things that they export, especially coal, iron ore and gas.

As most educated Australians will understand, a high Australian dollar makes imports cheaper and exports dearer, which eventually causes many businesses, especially those with options to make things in other countries to reassess whether it is worthwhile continuing production in Australia. This is what has been happening in recent weeks with Toyota and Holden announcing job cuts and before that Bluescope Steel announcing that it was abandoning exports and cutting jobs.

Expect these announcements to become more frequent in coming months, especially given the fact that economic policy-makers in Australia seem to think that nothing can or should be done about the high dollar.

The exchange rate is a key enforcer of structural change in a resources boom. This phenomenon has been called variously 'Dutch disease", the two-, three- or multi-speed economy, and the patchwork economy.

Current concerns go beyond the banal fact that economies are always multi-speed. But right now the higher prices for Australian resources and the inflow of capital to fund investment and to take advantage of interest rate differentials between Australia and most countries with very low, zero, or effectively negative, interest rates is bolstering the Aussie. Borrowing at low interest rates and then investing in Australia with relatively high interest rates is rather attractive at the moment. Also a factor is growing foreign purchases of Australian bonds, especially by central banks and sovereign wealth funds.


According to another report in the FT, foreign ownership of Australian government securities has reached 80%.



While this makes some bond traders nervous, the real problem for Australian government bonds at the moment is a lack of supply. Still one trader argues:
this is worrying as heavy foreign ownership of government bonds can be very dangerous, particularly when this is combined with a country running a current account deficit (i.e. the country is reliant on capital inflows from abroad).
These concerns seem to be overdone - Australia's CAD is as low as it has been for some time, but I suppose things could change if China fell in a hole.

Right now, the worry is the high exchange rate's negative impact on key sectors of the economy, particularly those that employ large numbers of people and help to create a more diverse economic structure for Australia.

As I have noted many times before on this blog and elsewhere, exchange rate-induced structural economic change has a lot to do with whether the high Australian dollar is sustained over the medium term or whether it falls against our major trading partners and, especially, the US Dollar.

According to Hume in the FT, most economists expect a fall in the Aussie, but not back to its long term post float average of around 75 US cents. Instead the consensus view is that it will be supported at about the mid 90s. But at the moment Australians going overseas are doing pretty well compared to the early 2000s:
Australians planning to visit London for this summer’s Olympic Games will get bang for their buck. The Aussie, which recently hit a 27-year high of 67.96p against sterling, has appreciated by more than 80 per cent since Sydney hosted the Olympics in 2000.
Given that he is a long-term bear about China's medium-term economic prospects (increasingly becoming more short-term) Michael Pettis questions whether the Aussie should be currently so strong:
I am actually much more pessimistic about Chinese growth prospects, commodity prices, and the pace of European recovery ... but even so we would have expected that the obvious prospective problems in Europe and China should have made themselves felt in the Australian dollar. So why has it remained so strong?
The answer he suggests might have something to do with the amount of capital flowing out of China as cashed up Chinese worry about the potential for wealth destruction in China in coming years.
I just had coffee earlier in the week with one of my PKU students. He told me that he and his business-owning father are trying to take money out of the country as quickly as possible. He says it has become harder recently (I don't know why) but everyone they know is setting up businesses abroad and trying to do the same, in part, he said, so that they can get foreign passports if they ever need it. On that topic there was an interesting article last week in the New York Times:
A recent survey of 980 Chinese millionaires found that 46 percent of them were considering leaving China and another 14 percent had already emigrated or were completing the paperwork for relocating. The survey by the Bank of China and the Hurun Report said 40 percent of the would-be émigrés — they’re known as “migratory birds” in China — would aim for the United States, followed by Canada (37 percent), Singapore (14 percent), Europe (11 percent), Hong Kong (5 percent) and Britain (2 percent). 
The leading reasons for taking flight: better educational opportunities for their children, advanced medical treatment, worsening pollution back home (especially urban air quality) and food safety concerns. But many potential émigrés, not surprisingly, are working on a Plan B in case China’s economic growth begins to slow, widespread social unrest takes hold or the political winds begin to blow against them.

We are seeing this process most vividly in Hong Kong. In spite of a recent video showing a fight between Hong Kongers and mainlanders in the Hong Kong subway, which went viral and inspired real anger and mutual recriminations among even some of my most laidback Beijing and Hong Kong friends, mainlanders are scooping up apartments in Hong Kong. This is from an article in Saturday’s South China Morning Post:
Data compiled by Midland Realty shows individual mainlanders spent HK$62.3 billion on residential properties in Hong Kong last year, or about 20 per cent of the value of all sales excluding those involving corporate buyers. That was almost double the 10.8 per cent in 2010. The agency expects the figure to jump to about 25 per cent this year.
Rich mainlanders are clearly eager to take money out of the country. And what is just as clear, the debate on the limits of state capitalism we have been hearing and reading about a lot recently is not just of academic interest to them. According to my student, it is becoming harder and harder for non-SOEs [state-owned enterprises] to do business in China, and more necessary than ever to have friends in high places.
As an aside, for those watching the real estate market, my student also mentioned that two very large real estate projects that his father runs are having trouble selling units. He said his father has decided to sell as quickly as he can, even at very low prices, rather than wait for prices to recover.
One of the places that Chinese capital could go is, of course, Australia. which may account for the continuing strength of the Aussie:
a lot of Chinese capital is flowing into Australia. He, for example, has traveled to Australia nine times in the past year, mainly looking after business for his father, who has also been to Australia many times. The family has large investments in food, real estate and construction, and my student tells me he often arranges to meet in Sydney or Melbourne school friends of his who also happen to be in Australia for similar purposes. My guess is that at least part of the reason for a strong dollar, in spite of weakening growth expectations, may be that a lot of Chinese capital is flowing into Australia.
What would happen if growth in China slows significantly? This would probably result in a sharp drop in non-food commodity prices, which should cause much slower growth in Australia. But if a Chinese slowdown coincided with an increase in private Chinese capital outflows, it might be difficult for the Australian dollar to adjust downward sufficiently to help absorb some of the cost of the slowdown. In that case Australia might suffer low growth and an expensive currency – not a very good combination.

Let's hope that this doesn't eventuate!

Let me finish this already long post by noting that this is not an argument against the floating exchange rate, which has been overwhelmingly beneficial for Australia since the early 1980s and has helped Australia to adjust to international shocks and keep inflation in check during the boom. But let's not pretend that it doesn't have some costs that the government and the RBA will need to manage.


Wednesday, December 16, 2009

De-globalisation

McKinsey generally have the best coverage of global capital flows and their latest report shows just how significant the global financial crisis has been for financial globalisation.

In its latest report Global capital markets: Entering a new era McKinsey reports that:
World financial assets fell $16 trillion to $178 trillion in 2008, marking the largest setback on record and a break in the three-decade-long expansion of global capital markets. Looking ahead, mature financial markets may be headed for slower growth, while emerging markets will likely account for an increasing share of global asset growth.

Financial globalization reversed in the wake of the crisis. Capital flows fell 82 percent in 2008, to just $1.9 trillion from $10.5 trillion in 2007.

Declines in equity and real estate values wiped out $28.8 trillion of global wealth in 2008 and the first half of 2009.
Other pertinent points made:
Falling equities accounted for virtually all of the drop in global financial assets. The world's equities lost almost half their value in 2008, declining by $28 trillion. Markets have regained some ground in recent months, replacing $4.6 trillion in value between December 2008 and the end of July 2009. Global residential real estate values fell by $3.4 trillion in 2008 and nearly $2 trillion more in the first quarter of 2009. Combining these figures, we see that declines in equity and real estate wiped out $28.8 trillion of global wealth in 2008 and the first half of 2009.


Credit bubbles grew both in the United States and Europe before the crisis. Contrary to popular perceptions, credit in Europe grew larger as a percent of GDP than in the United States. Total US credit outstanding rose from 221 percent of GDP in 2000 to 291 percent in 2008, reaching $42 trillion. Eurozone indebtedness rose higher, to 304 percent of GDP by the end of 2008, while UK borrowing climbed even higher, to 320 percent.

Financial globalization has reversed, with cross-border capital flows falling by more than 80 percent. It is unclear how quickly capital flows will revive or whether financial markets will become less globally integrated.

Some global imbalances may be receding. The U.S. current account deficit—and the surpluses in China, Germany, and Japan that helped fund it—has narrowed. However, this may be a temporary effect of the crisis rather than a long-term structural shift.

Mature financial markets may be headed for slower growth in the years to come. Private debt and equity are likely to grow more slowly as households and businesses reduce their debt burdens and as corporate earnings fall back to long-term trends. In contrast, large fiscal deficits will cause government debt to soar.

For emerging markets, the current crisis is likely to be no more than a temporary interruption in their financial market development, because the underlying sources of growth remain strong. For investors and financial intermediaries alike, emerging markets will become more important as their share of global capital markets continues to expand.

The major issue in the short-term will be how quickly capital flows recover. Another key issue is how slower growth in mature markets will affect emerging markets' financial systems.

The severity of the also highlights just how amazing it is that Australia managed to avoid a downturn in growth over the 2008-09 financial year. For Tony Abbot to argue that the Rudd govt has achieved little in its first couple of years and for some economists to argue that the fiscal stimulus has been profoundly negative defies any logic. Instead it appears to be simple oppositional politics for the former and blind anti-govt rhetoric for the latter.

If it sounds unlikely, it probably is.